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Öğe Horizontal and Vertical Ideological Axes Building the Left-Right Distinction in Türkiye: A Political Spectrum Proposal(Ilmi Etüdler Dernegi, 2024) Can, CandasThe left-right distinction in Türkiye, which resemble in many aspects to examples in the West, became clear in 1970’s, and described differences between revolutionary demands towards economic equality and conservative attitudes emphasizing national identity. Although both have different tendencies, on the left end, socialist movements can be found, while nationalist movements occupy the right end. However, considering the presence of synthesizing political ideologies, it becomes highly challenging to categorize political movements along a linear spectrum in Türkiye. For instance, it is almost impossible to properly array the right-political movements when the Islamism is included this spectrum. Additionally, it can be argued that in Türkiye, the primary determinant is a distinction based on cultural conflict rather than a class-based distinction. In this context, it can be argued that the tension between Westernism and Islamism, rooted in the experience of Ottoman-Turkish modernization, constitutes an axis that shapes the left-right distinction in Türkiye, and even intersects the Socialism-Nationalism axis vertically. In the synthesis areas of this intersection, there are political tendencies such as Kemalism, Ulkuculuk, social democracy, and Islamic socialism. This study proposes a political spectrum model composed of the axes of Socialism-Nationalism (horizontal) and Westernism-Islamism (vertical) to analyze political ideas and movements in Türkiye. It is thought that this model will provide a clear understanding of the ideological contexts and areas of discussion within center-left and center-right movements in Türkiye.Öğe RIGHT POPULISM IN EUROPE: THE CASE OF PARTY FOR FREEDOM IN NETHERLANDS(Aziz TUNCER, 2023) Yagiz, Deniz; Can, CandasAlthough populism is used in many countries of the world to describe political actors with completely different ideological characteristics, it is considered an ambiguous and ambiguous concept. Populist movements have influenced Europe since the 1990s, and right and left populist parties in Europe are now reaching significant vote rates. Right-wing populist parties in Europe; It is generally labeled with xenophobia, racism, anti-elitism, and intolerance towards other religions. Today, one of the most important examples of right-wing populist politics is the Freedom Party (PVV) operating in the Netherlands. This party, which was founded in 2006 and has no members other than its Chairman Geert Wilders, unlike other populist parties, does not engage in anti-Semitism and is even supported by the State of Israel and Jewish lobbies. It is seen that PVV is discriminatory in terms of anti-immigrant sentiment, and this party positions itself especially on anti-Islamism. In this study, the concepts of populism and right-wing populism are first questioned and then a historical evaluation of populism in the Netherlands is made, aiming to analyze the distinctive features of the PVV and the political discourses of Chairman Wilders.Öğe SOGUK SAVAS YILLARINDA TÜRKIYE’DE MERKEZ SAG IKTIDARLARIN ABD ILE ILISKILERI(Sakarya Üniversitesi, 2023) Can, CandasKendi içinde birtakim farkliliklar ihtiva etse de Türkiye’de merkez sagi bir çizgi olarak tarif etmeye imkân veren bazi temel kaliplardan bahsetmek mümkündür. Nitekim Demokrat Parti tarafindan insa edilen, büyük ölçüde Adalet Partisi ve Anavatan Partisi tarafindan takip edilen bu çizginin en temel karakteristiklerinden biri, Soguk Savas’in gölgesinde filizlenen ve güçlenen anti-komünizm siyasetidir. Anti-komünizm siyaseti, bu çizginin milliyetçi-muhafazakâr çevreyle temasini sürekli olarak güçlü tutmasini sagladigi gibi; dönemin iki bloklu yapisi düsünüldügünde, bazi dönemlerde Amerika Birlesik Devletleri (ABD) ile kurulan yakinligin popülerlestirilmesine de imkân tanimistir. Nitekim bazi çalismalar, bu çizgiyi salt ABD güdümlü bir siyaset olarak degerlendirme egilimindedir. Bu tür degerlendirmelerde, çizginin “merkez” vasfina gerekli vurgunun yapilmadigini ifade etmek gerekir. Zira bu vasif, bir yandan çevredeki taleplerin merkeze tasinmasina imkân saglarken, diger yandan merkezî bürokrasinin taleplerine karsilik sunabilmeyi de gerektirmistir. Dolayisiyla merkez ve çevrenin çogu zaman çatisan taleplerini bütünlestirme çabasi, bu çizginin hayat hikâyesi gibidir. Bu itibarla Türkiye’de merkez sagin ABD yanlisi oldugunu veya diger bir tabirle istikrarli bir biçimde Vasington yolunda gitmek istedigini iddia etmek yerine, bu yolculugun merkez ve çevrenin almis oldugu ideolojik pozisyonlar dogrultusunda gerçeklestigini düsünmek daha makul görünür. Nitekim bu çalismada öncelikle çizginin temel kaliplari sorgulanmakta ve daha sonrasinda Soguk Savas yillarinda büyük ölçüde DP, AP ve ANAP tarafindan temsil edilen çizginin Vasington yolculugu sözü edilen çerçevede analiz edilmektedir.Öğe The Transformation of Vigilante Groups Combating Terrorism: The Cases of Nigeria and South Sudan(Ahmet Arif EREN, 2023) Can, CandasNon-state actors may resort to political violence for many different purposes, but two of these are more common than others. One of these purposes is to preserve the establishment (vigilantism), and the other is to create breaches in it or to destroy it (terrorism). The confluence of these violent practices, which emerge with opposite purposes, is that they challenge to the "state’s monopoly on violence", one of the main characteristics of the modern state. While the challenge of terrorist organizations is obvious, that of vigilante groups is often blurred because, in some cases, vigilante groups are established, encouraged or supported by the state itself. However, the resorting of terrorist methods by vigilante groups is often disregarded or, at best, relegated to a secondary consideration in some studies of the relevant literature. The basic assumption of this study is that state-sponsored vigilantism typically gets out of state’s control sooner or later. As a matter of fact, vigilante groups may resort to vigilante terrorism, or they may turn into violent groups acting against the state. In other words, the vigilantism supported by the state to ensure security mostly justifies the aphorism "violence begets violence" and leads to the institutionalization of the violence culture in civil society. Firstly, this study discusses the concepts of vigilantism, terrorism and vigilante terrorism and finally examine Nigeria and South Sudan cases from Africa, which is considered to be a laboratory, in order to base the assumption of the study.Öğe Turkiye'de Sag-Sol Ayrimini Insa Eden Yatay ve Dikey Ideolojik Eksenler: Bir Siyasal Yelpaze Onerisi(Ilem, 2024) Can, CandasThe left-right distinction in Turkiye, which resemble in many aspects to examples in the West, became clear in 1970's, and described differences between revolutionary demands towards economic equality and conservative attitudes emphasizing national identity. Although both have different tendencies, on the left end, socialist movements can be found, while nationalist movements occupy the right end. However, considering the presence of synthesizing political ideologies, it becomes highly challenging to categorize political movements along a linear spectrum in Turkiye. For instance, it is almost impossible to properly array the right-political movements when the Islamism is included this spectrum. Additionally, it can be argued that in Turkiye, the primary determinant is a distinction based on cultural conflict rather than a class-based distinction. In this context, it can be argued that the tension between Westernism and Islamism, rooted in the experience of Ottoman-Turkish modernization, constitutes an axis that shapes the left-right distinction in Turkiye, and even intersects the Socialism-Nationalism axis vertically. In the synthesis areas of this intersection, there are political tendencies such as Kemalism, Ulkuculuk, social democracy, and Islamic socialism. This study proposes a political spectrum model composed of the axes of Socialism-Nationalism (horizontal) and Westernism-Islamism (vertical) to analyze political ideas and movements in Turkiye. It is thought that this model will provide a clear understanding of the ideological contexts and areas of discussion within center-left and center-right movements in Turkiye.Öğe VIJILANTIZM: BIR SIDDET VEYA BASKI TÜRÜNÜN KAVRAMSAL ANALIZI(Dicle Üniversitesi, 2021) Can, CandasÇagimizin en yaygin siddet ve baski türlerinden biri olan vijilantizm, neredeyse tüm dünyada görülen bir olgudur.Vijilantizme yönelik çalismalar, dünya genelinde oldukça ilgi çekmesine ragmen, kavram Türkiye’de yeterli ilgiyibulamamistir. Vijilantizm literatürü içerisinde sosyolojik, politik, hukuksal vb. birçok farkli açidan incelemeninyürütüldügü çalismalar yer almaktadir. Bu farkli epistemolojilere dayanan yaklasimlar da kavramin anlasilmasinimuglaklastirmaktadir. Bu nedenle çalisma kapsaminda; literatürdeki farkli yaklasimlar çerçevesinde ‘vijilanti kimdir?’,‘vijilantizm nasil bir eylemdir?’, ‘vijilantizmin farkli türleri nelerdir?’ ve ‘vijilantizm ne zaman/hangi durumlardagerçeklesir?’ sorulari üzerinden kavramin neye isaret ettigi ortaya konulmaya çalisilmaktadir. Nihayetinde bu kavramsalsorgulama Türkçe vijilantizm literatürüne bir katki saglamayi da amaçlamaktadir.Öğe ZIYA GÖKALP VE YUSUF AKÇURA’DA MILLET TASAVVURUNUN ONTOLOJIK TEMELLERI(Hakan YALAP, 2018) Aksoy, Ilhan; Can, CandasModern çagin en önemli politik nesneleri olan milletler, çözümlenmesi zor bir ontoloji barindirirlar. Çünkü milletlerin üzerinde temellendigi ontolojik zemin, fazlasiyla özneldir. Daha açik bir ifadeyle her bir millet, farkli milli kimlik kodlamalariyla biçimlenmistir. Belirli bir milli aidiyete mensup bireylerin, milli kimligi kavrayis biçimleri bile farklilik gösterebilir. Bu baglamda Türk milliyetçiligi üzerine bir çalisma, homojen bir düsünce yapisini incelemeyi mümkün kilmaz gibidir. Her ne kadar söylem olarak tek bir Türk milliyetçiliginden söz edilebilirse de aslinda bu düsünce altinda birbirinden çok farkli fraksiyonlarin varligi söz konusudur. Bu fraksiyonlarin temel ayrim noktasini ise Türk milli kimliginin hangi “ontolojik” temel üzerine insa edilecegi olusturur. Türkiye’de milliyetçilik konusunda olusan bu farkli ontolojik kabullerin temelleri ise büyük ölçüde Ziya Gökalp ve Yusuf Akçura tarafindan atilmistir. Bu çalisma Türk milliyetçiliginin bu iki önemli ideologunun, Türk milli kimliginin ontolojisinde neyi konumlandirdiklari üzerine bir karsilastirmaya dayanmaktadir
